EFTA00941968.pdf
dataset_9 pdf 290.2 KB • Feb 3, 2026 • 4 pages
From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com>
To: Sultan Bin Sulayem
Subject: Re: How to Repair the Widening American-Israeli Rift
Date: Mon, 27 Aug 2012 11:05:23 +0000
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5j0ONtuA2fbH1hED3ficiZkrNKc6VJw?
docId=CNG.158e059567cc64e99373df644f3134113.01
On Mon, Aug 27, 2012 at 6:22 AM, Sultan Bin Sulayem < > wrote:
Begin forwarded message:
From: Esneh
Date: August 27, 2012 9:23:47 AM GMT+01:00
To: 'Esneh'
Subject: How to Repair the Widening American-Israeli Rift
Israel Policy Forum
On Iran: How to Repair the Widening American-Israeli Rift
Ephraim Sneh
The Islamist takeover in the Middle East and North Africa has created perilous strategic
turbulence in the region. Consequently, it is now critically important that the United States
and its few allies cooperate closely. Unfortunately, this has not been the case in recent weeks
for US-Israel relations regarding Iran's nuclear program. The disagreement about attacking
Iran's nuclear facilities has turned into ugly bickering, much of it disguised. This is harmful
for both Israel and the United States.
To heal this rift — which is necessary to effectively address the Iranian threat — we must
understand the following basic facts:
1. The Israeli fear of a nuclear Iran is genuine. It is not a political trick of Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu or Defense Minister Ehud Barak. A nuclear Iran would bolster and
encourage extremist militant forces across the region. The moderates would be discouraged,
intimidated and invariably weakened to the point where they would be unable to negotiate
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with Israel. In just a few years, Israel will be surrounded by three `Pakistan-like' countries:
Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Turkey. All three would possess nuclear weapons and be dominated
politically by Islamists. In such a scenario, Israel would lose its strategic advantage in the
region. It would lose its lead as a country of entrepreneurship and excellence, as foreign
investment would decline and talented young Israelis would build their future abroad. No
responsible Israeli leader will allow such a nightmare to become a reality. The hateful
declarations of Iran's leaders, committed to wiping the Jewish state off the map, do not
assuage Israelis' fears.
2. Economic sanctions cannot convince the regime in Teheran to abandon its nuclear
project. However, sanctions can bring about the collapse of the regime if they are vigorously
implemented and enforced.
3. An American military strike against Iran's nuclear facilities would be more effective
than an Israeli one. But disparaging Israel's capabilities and its military ingenuity,
undermining its deterrence effect, is a grave mistake.
4. Israel's operational window is closing. If Israel has to cope alone with the Iranian threat,
its window of operational opportunity is narrower than the American one. It has to act sooner.
5. An Israeli military strike in the next two months, contravening repeated demands by
the U.S. President to postpone it, would be counterproductive. The damage of defying the
President would be greater than the damage sustained by allowing the Iranian regime an
additional few months of advancing toward acquiring the bomb. Such a strike may broaden
the gap between the U.S. and Israel and weaken the alliance, which all previous Israeli Prime-
Ministers have safeguarded as a strategic asset of Israel.
6. The United States has failed to prevent countries like Pakistan or North Korea from
obtaining nuclear weapons. This record feeds Israeli skepticism about a U.S. success in the
case of Iran. This skepticism prevails despite the clear rhetoric and unquestionable
commitments of the President and the Secretaries of State and Defense to prevent a nuclear
Iran.
7. The fact that the Israeli Prime Minister and the Republican presidential candidate
share the same political benefactor feeds suspicions in the Obama administration about
Netanyahu's motives for attacking Iran a few weeks before the U.S. presidential elections.
8. The regional perspective cannot continue ignoring the unresolved Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. This issue can no longer be swept under the rug. Maintaining the status quo is
politically comfortable in the short-run, but it will be combustible and devastating in the long
run. Achieving the two-state solution will preserve Israel as a Jewish, democratic state. It will
end Israel's regional isolation. It will rebuild America's standing and influence in the Arab
and Muslim world. Furthermore, these last two outcomes will strengthen America's and
Israel's hands in thwarting Iran's nuclear weapons ambitions.
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These eight basic facts combine to produce a complex reality. When fully understood, they
can pave the way to restoring U.S.-Israeli harmony. There is no symmetry between the United
States, the super-power, and its tiny ally, Israel. But the "package" required from each side in
order to mend fences has to include the following mutual commitments:
I. Israel will not attack Iran in 2012.
2. The United States will hold a joint intelligence estimate session with Israel in the early
spring of 2013. If the conclusion of this joint estimate is that there is no substantial slow-
down of the Iranian nuclear project, the U.S. will take military action to destroy this project.
3. The United States will oppose any attempt to intervene in Israel's strategic capacities and
will prevent any monitoring of Israel's own strategic installations. At the same time, the
United States will uncompromisingly support Israel's right to preserve and develop its
indigenous military capacities.
4. Israel will accept an American invitation to attend a peace conference that will be
convened in the U.S. no later than mid-2013. This gathering will address the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict, aiming to resolve it once and for all with an agreed-upon timetable for
implementation.
These four commitments would serve the interests of both the United States and Israel. They
would enable the U.S. to resume its leadership role of peacemaking in the Middle East. And
they would provide a basis for binding the U.S. and Israel together as they face these
challenging times.
Ephraim Sneh, a retired IDF General, served as Israel's deputy minister of defense. He is
currently and Israel Policy Forum contributing fellow and chairman of S. Daniel Abraham
Centerfor Strategic Dialogue at the Netanya Academic College.
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