EFTA00159951.pdf

CHILD DEVELOPMENT PERSPECTIVES Trauma and Long-Term Memory for Childhood Events: Impact Matters Gail S. Goodman,' Jodi A. Quas,2 Deborah Goltlfarb,3 Lauren Gonzalves,1 and Alejandra Gonzalez' 'University of California, Davis, 2University of California, Irvine, and 3Florida International University ABSTRACT-In recent years, society has been stunned by Developmental [Nychologists have long been interested in adults' high-profile cases in which adults allege they were memory for childhood experiences. But research on the accuracy sexually victimized in childhood. A crucial issue in these of adults' memory for traumatic childhood events is now vital as cases is how accurately adults remember the traumatic society struggles with the aftermath of shocking cases of past sex- childhood experiences. In this article, we examine the ual abuse of children. Alleged perpetrators in these cases involve predictors of the accuracy of adults' long-terna memory such prominent figures as Michigan State athletic physician far maltreatment and events related to the maltreatment Larry Nassar. Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives Den- experienced in childhood. First, Ire discuss memory for nis Hastert, and Penn State University football coach Jerry San- negative or threatening information and how child mal- dusky, as well as disparate Catholic priests. Such cases feature treatment may affect memory. Second, we highlight prosecutions that commence years after the alleged sexual methodological challenges inherent in this scientific assaults occurred. In light of widespread recognition that chil- inquiry. Third, we describe the findings front our longitu- dren infrequently disclose sexual abuse before adulthood (Lon- dinal research on the accuracy of adults' memory for don, Bruck, Ceti, & Shuman. 2005). the statutes of limitation for child abuse and for subsequent involvement in the legal sex crimes against children have been extended, paused, or abol- system. We conclude that, overall, the greater the trau- ished in many countries and US. jurisdictiom. permitting accu- matic impact experienced, the more accurate the later sations of decades-old abuse to be brought to criminal and civil memory, although factors related to development, individ- courts despite long delays that can erode memory. ual differences, and intenietes moderate the effects of The accuracy of adults' memory for sexual abuse in childhood childhood trauma on the accuracy glad:tits' memory. is particularly important because the victim's word is typically pitted against that of the accused. In cases brought to trial dec- KEYWORDS-child abuse and neglect; memory; trauma ades after the events are alleged to have occurred, forgetting is to be expected. Nevertheless, long-tern memory is affected by many factors. In this review, we seek to identify these factors in individuals with documented histories of maltreatment as chil- (;na S. f;oodstian, University of Jotli A. Quits. dren. We are particularly interested in such questions as: How l'eti•ersity of California. 'nine: l/eborah Goldfarb. Florida International Usti•.-rsity: Lauren f;otizalves and Alejandra f;tinxales. well do adults with histories of trauma remember significant 'iti•ersity of California. Ha. is. childhood experiences? Does the traumatic impact of the event Tile research reported in this artielo was sup mrted by grants from matter for subsequent memory? Does trauma-related psy- the Adn,inuaration on lliildrest and Fzunilito (90-CA-1551). the chopathology predict accuracy of memory. memory error, or National Science Foundation I00O1369. 1424420). anti the both? Do individual differences shape long-term memory for National I/Viana. of Justice (85-U•(:X-0020. 2013-U-Cx4)11)1). Any m CIMOIL.44/810. Or reroutunenclations expressetl childhood trauma? are dome of the authors and tb, not necessarily mfleet the kirWN of In this article, first, we briefly describe the reseanth on mem- die fusoling agencies. o:y of negative emotional experiences and theoretical models of 1:omesposolence flower:Otto this article should he uhlnxv.l to Gail consequences of maltreatment. Second, we highlight the S. 1:tunlitian, l'syrItoloce Ikpaninrn6 Utii•ersity of Califtalaa. One methodological challenges inherent in this scientific inquiry. Shields. ve 1/a•bi. CA 95616; e-ntail: gomalstianOtieda% is.edtt. Finally. we review the findings from our longitudinal studies that B118Soorly for Reritcuch m1.1e1J Dewlornornt address the aforementioned questions. COI 10 1111/Ohp123O7 Volume 0. Number 0.2018. Pages 1-7 3534-015 Page 1 of 7 EFTA_00010303 EFTA00159951 2 I Gail S. Goodman et al. MEMORY OF NEGATIVE EMOTIONAL INFORMATION basic associative processes that can affect memory, which appear comparable for children with and without histories of A useful starting point for understanding memory of childhood maltreatment (Howe. Citchetti, Toth, & Cerrito. 2004). Instead, traumas is research on how negative emotional information is the specialization may lead to heightened attention and hence remembered in general (McGaugh. 2018). In contrast to our lon- memory for specific types of information. Notably, children gitudinal studies, this larger body of research has generally not raised in hostile and violent homes are particularly attuned to focused on memory of events that threaten (or potentially threa- detecting threat: Children with histories of maltreatment (com- ten) physical or psychological safety (e.g., child sexual abuse) or pared to children without such histories) identify angry faces stressful experiences related directly to such events (e.g.. foren- sooner, label fearful faces faster, and orient longer to anger cues sic medical exams, courtroom testimony). Nonetheless, the fiml- (e.g., Masten et al.. 2008: Pollak & Sidra, 2002), suggesting ings are important to understand how distress may affect hypervigilance to threat-related stimuli (Damdowski et al., memory. Although not entirely uniform, this work largely sug- 2013) beyond normative preferential processing of negative and gests that memory is stronger for highly negative emotional threatening information (Windmann & Kruger. 1998). Hypervig- events than for neutral or less emotional events (Bowen. I:ark, fiance, in turn. can contribute to amplified encoding and mem- & Bensinger, 2017), and more recently, that survival relevance ory for such information (Goodman. Quas, & Ogle, 2010). In our (i.e., the need to escape or prevent threats to survival) also nicks longitudinal research, we found some support for that possibility, memory (Nairn & Pandenrada, 2016). although individual differences, most noteworthy in attachment- Stronger memory for negative emotional than nonemotional related coping (Bowlby, 1969), moderated these relations. infoimation results. in part, from activation of the prefrontal-hip- In contrast to positive associations between child maltreat- pmampal-amygdala complex, which enhances attention and ment and accuracy of memory for negative and threat-related encoding, and hence improves later memory (e.g.. Canli. Thao, information, inaccuracies in memory also emerge. but at times Brewer. Gabrieli, & Cahill, 2000). 'This activation also con- in relation to psychopathology likely resulting from childhood tributes to tunneling attention toward the most important compo- trauma. and surprisingly. for positive information. Specifically, nents of the stressful event, leading to enhanced memory for when memory• is compared in individuals with and without histo- those components but weaker memory for peripheral details ries of child maltreatment, memory deficits (e.g., commission (Christianson, 1992). Forgetting and ermrs still occur. but they errors) for positive stimuli are associated with trauma-related typically do so to a lesser extent than for memory of less nega- psychopathology. This pattern was seen in a study comparing tive events, even in children (Chart et al.. 2018). accuracy of and errors in memory• in 9- to 15-year-olds with or However, these findings may not generalize completely to without histories of maltreatment (McWilliams, Harris. & Good- adults' memories of negative, personally threatening experi- man, 2014). The youth watched a film clip about a positive or a ences—particularly from childhood. Childhood trauma itself negative family interaction, and then answered questions testing can have a host of sequelae (e.g., depression) that. as we show, their memory. Younger age and higher levels of trauma-related have implications for memory. Other characteristics related to psychopathology (a composite measure of symptoms of anxiety, individual differences, some also linked to childhood. may depression. posttraumatic stress, anger, and dissociation) pre- shape accuracy, and possibly errors, when recounting negative dicted commission errors to direct questions after the youth experiences. viewed the positive family interaction but not after they saw the negative family interaction. These effects were significant even EFFECTS OF CHILDHOOD MALTREATMENT ON when IQ was controlled statistically (cf. Young & Widom, MEMORY 2014). Arguably, this pattern fits with the conditional adaptation model. Given that most of our work has focused on maltreatment as the source of childhood trauma, models of the effects of maltreat- METHODOLOGICAL CHALLENGES OF RESEARCH ON ment on children's development need to be considered. The CHILDHOOD MALTREATMENT most pmminent view has been an impairment model, in which maltreatment causes deficits or distortions in cognitive and Numerous methodological challenges arise when studying mem- socimmotional processes, as well as impairments or alterations ories of child maltreatment. One challenge concerns causal in neurobiology (Lomat & Gunnar, 2010) and brain develop- inference. We cannot randomly assign children to maltreatment ment (I'eicher et al., 2093), which might affect memory. An versus nonmaltreatment groups, and correlational findings are alternative view is the conditional adaptation model, which plagued by potentially confounding variables. such as family emphasizes that maltreatment in childhood results in specialized dysfunction, preexisting child effects, socioeconomic and cul- mental functions that are adapted to threatening and stressful tural factors. community influences. and interventions. All these environments (e.g., Ayoub & Fischer, 200(k Fmnkenhuis & de can affect memory performance. Quasi-experimental designs Went, 2013). This specialization does not necessarily alter help control for some but not all possible confounds. Child Developmem Perapeelives. Volume 0. Number 0. 2018. Pages 1-7 3534-015 Page 2 of 7 EFTA_00010304 EFTA00159952  Trauma and Long-Term Memory I 3 Other challenges include misclassification. Misclassifications different types and degrees of later adult psychopathology, can occur when attempting to compare samples of maltreated including heightened symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder and nonmahreated children. Some studies classify children or (PTSD) and depression (Browne & Finkelhor, 1986). Tus, adults into designated groups according to self-reports (e.g., effects of child maltreatment and psychopathology should be regarding history of maltreatment or diagnosis of psychopathol- distinguished. including the specific forts of psychopathology, ogy: Bremner, 2006), which typically involves memory. Classifi- as should whether subclinical symptoms or diagnoses are being cations become even more challenging when relying on studied. memories of severity, chmnirity. and age at first occurrence. Third, largely for ethical reasons, we do not study the effects which likely influence long-term memory of the abuse. Other of highly suggestive tactics, such as those used in studies of studies rely on official reports. but for many child victims, what false memory, on individuals who have been maltreated in happened to them is never reported to authorities, so official childhood (Loftus & Pickrell, 1995; Shaw & Porter, 2015). reports capture just the tip of the iceberg. Furthermore, children Fourth. because our work has focused on memory for child who have arguably suffered the most severe maltreatment. abuse and abuse-related experiences, when we refer to child- resulting in permanent removal from home, may not be included hood trauma. we primarily mean exposure to child maltreatment in child maltreatment samples (but see Eisen, Goodman. Qin. or related medical and legal events. Researchers should test Davis, & Crayton, 2007: Masten et al., 2008; Mefinder, Barr- whether our fimlings and models extend to accuracy of (and gemd. (menstad, & Goodman, 2013), likely limiting the upper errors in) memory for other kinds of childhood traumas (e.g., range of psychopathology symptoms studied. Finally, especially injury, exposure to domestic violence). for longitudinal research, attrition can affect representativeness of samples of adults. Finding would likely he less murky if PREDICTORS OF MEMORY FOR THREATENING these unavoidable sampling problems did not exist. EVENTS Another set of challenges concerns disentangling the effects of victimization. The common occurrence of polyvictimization (i.e., With these complexities in mind, we turn to possible predictors experiencing many forms of child maltreatment; Finkelhor, Shat- of long-term memory of child maltreatment: Age at maltreat- tuck. 'Punier, Onnmd, & Hamby, 2011) and the risk that victims ment. type of abuse, traumatic impact (e.g.. was the maltreat- of maltreatment will be revictimized (e.g., West, Williams, & ment the worst thing that happened in the child's life?), Siegel. anno) make it important to separate effects of different attachment. and psychopathology. subtypes of maltreatment or cumulative trauma on memory (Bar- Regarding age. being older at encoding (i.e., when the event nett, Manly. & Cicchetti. 1993). A dimensional approach that took place) typically predicts more complete and accurate mem- consider both the level of risk and level of deprivation offers a ory (e.g.. Eisen et al.. 2007). However, when children experi- promising alternative (McLaughlin & Sheridan. 2016). Moreover. ence negative or threatening events. age differences in accuracy for many types of maltreatment, such as child sexual abuse. acts vary more, appearing and disappearing, presumably because vary considerably (e.g.. having someone expose himself com- starting in the early preschool years. some individuals remember pared to being sexually assaulted at gunpoint) in their likely stressful events that are personally significant or have had a effects on memory. Defining the severity of the acts is also chal- traumatic effect. whereas other individuals do not (Chao et al.. lenging (e.g., is long-term incest that results in pregnancy more 2018: Peterson. 2012; Williams, 1994). or less severe than stranger kidnapping with violent rape?). With respect to type of abuse and traumatic impact. negative stories, pictures, or films, although possibly distinctive and emo- METHODOLOGICAL CHALLENGES IN THE STUDY OF tional, do not generally lead to high levels of arousal (sometimes LONG-TERM MEMORY OF TRAUMATIC CHILDHOOD they lead to none at all: Quas & Lerch, 2007), or the type of EVENTS encoding and mnemonic processing evoked by exposure to threatening and traumatic events that put children in survival Many challenges arise in relation to a focus on long-term mem- mode. The latter likely occurs when children are maltreated. ory. First, to determine accuracy, an objective record of what Such events, if identified via self-reports or observation as highly actually occurred is crucial. However, the original documenta- consequential—for instance, as affecting children's lives signifi- tion of the events may he incorrect or incomplete. Secoml, psy- cantly or threatening children's well-bring—likely are retained chopathology and child trauma, such as abuse. are typically in memory (Alexander, Goodman. Schaaf, Shaver, & Quas, entwined, so the supposed effects of child maltreatment on 2002: Greenhoot & McCloskey, 2005), barring successful memory may actually be the effects of psychopatholog, with attempts to avoid the memories. sonte psyrhopathologies contributing to false reports and inaccu- Avoidance of memory is central to attachment theory (Bowlby, racies in memory, but others supporting accuracy of memory 1969). The expectations children develop about close others and and resistance to false suggestion (Goodman et al.. 2010). Add- themselves shape how children react to and remember negative ing to the complexity, child maltreatment is associated with events that activate the attachment system. Regarding negative. Child Development Perspeethmt. Volume 0. Number 2018. Pagm 1-7 3534-015 Page 3 of 7 EFTA_00010305 EFTA00159953 4 I Gail S. Goodman et al. threatening conditions. morn secure children are later mom life event (regardless of indicators of ITSD) predicted greater accurate and complete in their memory of the emotional or dis- accuracy of memory for the abuse (Alexander et al.. 2005). tressing events than avoidant or insecure children (Chat et al., These results show that understanding an event's traumatic 201a Edelstein et al.. 2005). Parents' attachment orientations impact is important for predicting accuracy of long-term memory also have implications for children's memories of stressful expe- for child sexual abuse. When we examined long-term memory riences. Children of more secure parents have more accurate for other negative (and possibly traumatic) experiences that memory of stressful experiences. whereas children of parents resulted from the sexual abuse, namely the legal case, similar who are more avoidant tend to have less accurate memories of trends emerged: Greater severity of abuse, closer relationship to these experiences (e.g., Alexander et al., 2002). These effects the perpetrator, and more frequent testimony predicted mom are less common in studies that tested memory for stories or accurate memory (Quas et al.. 2010). These findings suggest photographs than those that tested memory for salient personal that greater distress, like traumatic impact. is associated with experiences (e.g., invasive medical procedures), probably mom accurate long-term memory. because the former fail to activate the attachment system and In Study 2, we examined memory in victims of child maltreat- hence do not evoke the same levels of aroma' and memory pro- ment, including sexual abuse, physical abuse, or neglect, as well cessing or avoidance that the latter experiences do. as in individuals in a control group with no known history of Although some psychopathologies (e.g.. schizophrenia), mea- child maltreatment. The study initially involved assessments of sured as diagnoses or heightened symptoms, predict less accu- 3- to 17-year-olds (Eisen, Qin, Goodman. & Davis, 2002; Eisen rate memory for certain types of information (Ragland et al.. et al.. 2007) who had been removed fmm their homes because 2015). other i yelropathologies may he associated with more of suspected maltreatment and were placed briefly in a forensic accurate memory for negative experiences. For instance. symp- hospital unit, where evaluations included anogenital swabbing toms of VISO include flashbacks and hypervigilanee to trauma- during a medical examination. Three days after the medical related cues, both of which might maintain or reinstate memory exam, we tested children's memory for the procedure. Both (Alexander et al., 2005). Rumination is a characteristic of being older and having experienced sexual abuse. physical depression (Nolen-Hoekserna, 2000) and may involve rehearsal abuse, or sexual and physical abuse predicted greater accuracy for negative experiences. of memory for the details of the exam indicating both the stan- dard effect of age and possible sensitization to threats and emo- LONGITUDINAL STUDIES OF GUILD tions associated with past abusive experiences. MALTRFATMENT AND MEMORY Nearly 20 years later, we contacted a subset of the child vic- tims to examine their long-term memory for the medical exam We conducted two longitudinal studies to examine long-temp (Goldfarb, Goodman, Larson. Eisen, & Qin, in press). Last mem- memory for maltreatment in childhood and events related to that my of (or failure to disclose) being in the hospital was evident maltreatment. Study I started as research on 4- to 17-year-ohls overall in 17% of the sample. Almost half (43%) of the partici- involved (as alleged victims) in prosecutions for child sexual pants (now adults) reported they had experienced genital contact abuse (Goodman et al., 1992). Documentation gathered at the during the medical pmcedure that took place when they were start of the study included information from police and prosecu- children. Adults whose child sexual abuse was substantiated tors' records, interviews with nonoffending parents. question- and adults with higher self-reported symptoms of depression naires completed by mareffentling parents and child victims, remembered the exam more accurately than the other adults and courtroom observations of the children. About 14 years tested. No participant falsely reported chargeable offenses that after the legal involvement ended (up to 21 years after the sex- did not occur. even though for half of the sample, researchers ual assaults), we interviewed more than 80% of the child vic- had falsely suggested such offenses when they interviewed them tims. now older adolescents or adults (ages 16-30 years; Quas as children. et aL, 2005). The extensive original documentation allowed us In contrast to the positive associations between accuracy of to examine the victims' memories of the abuse and the legal long-term memory for child abuse and childhood distress—indi- ease. cated by. for example. repeatedly testifying, or having experi- Most individuals remembered their victimization (Goodman enced more severe abuse and traumatic impact—inaccuracies in et al., 2003). However, last memory (or at least failure to dis- memory were also evident in our longitudinal studies. Consistent close) was also evident, with as many as 309E in some subgroups with our findings regarding attachment, less maternal support failing to report the former abuse. Being older when the abuse predicted memory ermrs for the former victims of child sexual ended, experiencing more severe abuse, and having maternal abuse: In Study I. adults who as children lacked maternal sup- support predicted later memory. In addition, among individuals port were less likely to remember (or disclose) the sexual abuse who remembered (or disclosed) the abuse, unexpectedly, age and nmembered the abuse less accurately (Alexander et al.. did not significantly predict accuracy. Rather, severity of rrso 2005; Gmxlman et al., 2003; see Goodman, Quas. Rattemmn- symptoms and naming the sexual abuse as the most traumatic Farmer, Riddlesberger. & Kuhn, 1997, for similar findings Child Development Perspectives. Volume 0. Number 0. 2018. Pages 1-7 3534-015 Page 4 of 7 EFTA_00010306 EFTA00159954  Trauma and Long-Term Memory 15 regarding children's memory of stressful medical procedures). adults are interviewed help shape the long-term reports of mem- •Iltese children may have learned not to talk about the abuse. ory, but that impact also matters considerably. For many adults, leading to suppression or forgetting over time. including into the more traumatic the event (e.g., it was the worst thing that adulthood. ever happened) and the more traumatic its impact (e.g.. more Suggestibility (i.e., agreeing with an interviewer's false sugges- symptoms of PIIU, more depression), the more accurate is tions) can be a source of memory ermr in the short and long their later memory of distressing to threatening childhood term. In Study 2, some of the most traumatized. dissociative experiences. children, especially those who were quite young when the abuse occurred, showed response bias, agreeing with misleading ques- REFERENCES tioas (Eisen et al.. 2002, 21104 Furthemtore, as adults, some participants erred in respowe to interviewers false suggestions Alexander. K.. Goodman. G. S.. Schaaf. J.. Shaver. P. R.. & Quas. J. A. (2002). The role of attachment and cognitive inhibition in (-ha- about events that would be expected based on general knowl- da-ifs memory for a stressful event. Journal of Eaperimental Child edge to have occurred but that had not happened; for example. Psychology. 10. 262-290. littio://doisig/10.101690002-096.5(08) when interviewers suggested falsely to the adults that during the 00149-2 childhood medical exam, they received a shut, some of the Alexander. K. W.. Quas. J. A.. Goodman. C. S.. Chen'. S.. Fdektein. R. adults agreed. even though they did not make commission errors S.. RnIlich. 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