EFTA00684386.pdf
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From: Office of Terje Rod-Larsen <
Subject: IPI Regional Insights - February 2014
Date: Fri, 21 Feb 2014 17:12:06 +0000
INTERNATIONAL PEACE INSTITUTE
IPI Regional Insights
February 2014
The International Peace Institute's (IPI) Regional Insights covers select regional and thematic developments based on
information from a variety of sources. It draws on the research of IPI experts and is provided exclusively to major
donors and members. Each monthly issue covers challenges and opportunities related to international peace, security,
and development.
Africa
African Union Summit: The 22" summit of the African Union took place in Addis Ababa from January 24th to 31st, with
regional leaders joining in the last two days. The summit's theme was agriculture and food security in Africa. However, the
crises in the Central African Republic and South Sudan, and calls for a greater AU effort to overcome persistent peace and
security challenges across Africa dominated the discussions. African leaders formally operationalized the newly
established African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC)—a transitional rapid reaction force—with initial
pledges from 12 member states. They also welcomed the AU Commission's establishment of an expert panel to assess the
status of the delayed African Standby Force (ASF) and its Rapid Deployment Capacity and proposed a roadmap to ensure
that the ASF attains its full operational capability by 2015.
The summit saw the readmission of Madagascar to the AU, following its peaceful presidential election in December 2013.
Mauritanian President Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz meeting was elected as the rotating chair of the AU and Zimbabwe's
President Robert Mugabe as the first vice-chair of the new AU Bureau. Despite reports of vote rigging and other
irregularities during the July 2013 elections in Zimbabwe, which are used to justify continuing restrictions imposed by the
European Union on President Mugabe and his wife, the AU leaders' rallied behind the Zimbabwean president to impose
his presence at an Africa-EU summit scheduled to take place in Brussels on April 2nd and 3rd. Also seeking to speak with
"one voice" with regard to the International Criminal Court, members were reminded to comply with AU decisions and
support the pursuit of amendments to the Rome Statute, which would allow for the deferral of prosecutions of sitting
heads of state and government and grant them immunity. Thus, the stand-off between the AU and the ICC continues.
Mali: Competition between Algeria and Morocco for influence in Mali is adding a new layer of complexity to an already
overcrowded field of regional players, further sidelining the UN-led peace effort in Bamako. A large Moroccan delegation
led by King Mohammed VI arrived in Bamako on February le, and Algerian President Bouteflika hosted Malian President
Keita and his delegation in Algiers in January. Summit meetings in Mauritania and Niger in recent days have underscored
the regional concern for continued insecurity in the northern part of Mali and broader threats to the region. The Niamey
meeting reiterated the commitment of ten Sahelian states and related regional organizations to work more closely
together on a common security agenda. On the same weekend Mauritania's president urged his counterparts from Mali,
Niger, Chad, and Burkina Faso to focus on democratic transformation, good governance, and job creation rather than
limiting themselves only to a counterterrorism agenda as the only meaningful response to Islamic extremism and
terrorism.
Apart from these regional discussions, the French/MINUSMA troops maintain a tenuous peace in Mali. The government,
responding to popular opinion in the south, has placed its emphasis on seeking to improve security in the north,
demanding that the rebel groups disarm prior to undertaking any development initiatives. President Keita held off
meeting with UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General Koenders until shortly before the recent high-level UN
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Security Council visit, indicating his reluctance to extend too much influence to the United Nations, which is pressing for
full implementation of the Ougadougou Agreement of June 18, 2013. In the meantime, France's President Hollande has
further extended the French troop presence. The north is still plagued by persistent intercommunal tensions and local
violence. It remains to be seen what will happen once the French troops draw down further or leave altogether and as
frustration among the northern population continues to mount. Mali is not yet out of the woods.
South Sudan: Peace negotiations aimed at finding a broader and inclusive peace agreement for the conflict in South
Sudan resumed on February 11th in Addis Ababa with delegates from both sides. The rebel side demands that four
remaining political detainees—out of 11 originally detained by the Juba government—be released and that the Ugandan
army, which has backed President Salva Kiir, withdraw from South Sudan. Uganda has rejected calls from the international
community to withdraw its armed forces from South Sudan, which could further complicate the ongoing negotiations in
Addis Ababa. Moreover, there is a real risk that the situation could deteriorate beyond South Sudan's borders to affect
the entire region.
Meanwhile, fierce fighting broke out between government forces and the rebels in the oil-rich town of Malakal, capital of
the Upper Nile State, in the most significant violation of the ceasefire that was supposed to help end the crisis in the
fractured young nation. In a separate development, fighting broke out among civilians from different ethnic groups taking
shelter inside a UN base camp located in Malakal, further exposing the decline of cohesion in the nation. As the violence
shows no signs of abating, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) has had to shift its focus to prioritize
protecting civilians, preserving human rights, and supporting humanitarian access. The UN Security Council authorized an
increase in troop levels to approximately 14,000 to be deployed within the coming weeks as it holds consultations to
discuss the existing UNMISS mandate.
Middle East
Egypt: Tourism is the latest target for terrorists operating in Egypt: a bombing that killed three South Korean tourists and
an Egyptian bus driver in Taba on February 16th has sent shockwaves through the resorts in the Sinai peninsula (one of the
few relatively active tourist spots in Egypt during the last three years of unrest). The al-Qaida—inspired Ansar Beit al-
Maqdis took responsibility for the attack in a statement that described it as part of their "economic war against [the]
regime of traitors." While Egypt faced a similar threat to its tourist industry (which accounts for over 11% of Egypt's GDP)
in the 1990s, the current economic climate is not in a state to absorb more shocks (tourism revenues sank by 41% to $5.9
billion in 2013 alone). The Taba incident indicates that violent extremists may now shift their efforts toward "soft targets"
in their campaign against the state.
Meanwhile, Egypt is witnessing the beginning of its presidential election process. Only one candidate has officially
announced his candidacy: longtime Nasserist politician Hamdeen Sabahi, who came third in the 2012 elections that
brought Mohammed Morsi to power. While there is much speculation about Defense Minister Field Marshal Abdel-Fattah
El Sisi's candidacy, an official announcement has yet to be made. On a visit to Russia in which he signed a $2 billion arms
deal, El Sisi won an endorsement from President Putin—a telling indicator of Egypt's closer ties with Russia and a
commitment toward a more "pluralistic" foreign policy stance. Other potential candidates in the race include Lt. Gen.
Sami Anan, who retired soon after Morsi came to power and first alluded to a potential return to the political scene in
October 2013. Should both men run, Egypt would witness a rare phenomenon as two military men—old guard and new
guard—go head to head in a presidential race.
Lebanon: On February 15th, Lebanon ended its 10-month political vacuum by forming a compromise government. The so-
called "unity government" is led by Tammam Salam, a Sunni moderate politician, and divides the 24 ministerial portfolios
into three groups: eight ministries for the March 8th Alliance (Hezbollah and its constituencies), eight to the March 14th
coalition (Harriri's bloc), and the final eight to candidates viewed as neutral. That the Harriri bloc is back in the political
limelight in coalition with its rival Hezbollah is a telling change for Lebanese politics: it indicates both parties' desire for
compromise as the country finds itself at the brink while also creating a space for competing Sunni and Shiaa factions to
confront each other in a formal, unified political arena. The measure of the new government's success will lie in its ability
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to restore a semblance of stability and lay the necessary political groundwork—from reinstating a national dialogue to
organizing a presidential election.
The optimism surrounding the end of the deadlock was served a sobering blow when a double suicide car bombing
targeted an Iranian cultural centre in Beirut on February 19th, killing at least four. The incident served as a rude reminder
of the cabinet's massive political challenges, which have become more acute since the country became a shadow
operating theater for the neighboring crisis in Syria. Of particular concern for this government will be how to deal with
Hezbollah's active participation in the war next door.
Iraq: Two months before legislative polls, Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr—the leader of a powerful political constituency—
announced his withdrawal from political life. Sadr cited "Islamic law" and "preserving the honorable reputation" of his
name and lineage, which has occupied a role in Iraqi politics for generations, as reasons for his exit. Previously, however,
he has "left" politics only to return to the political arena. His move coincided with the resignation of various other Sadrist
MPs. Sadr's bloc currently holds six cabinet posts and over 10% of the 325-member parliament. The move has been
interpreted as a "gift" to his rivals—namely, Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki and his Shiite Fadhila party—just before the
elections. Indeed, if the Sadr bloc loses any votes in April, they are likely to go to Fadhila. Meanwhile Iraq continues to be
rocked by the worst level of violence since 2008: 10 car bombs (including five in Baghdad) killed at least 19 people on
February 18th. The amalgamation of the spillover from Syria with Iraq's deep-rooted sectarian tensions does not bode well
for 2014: already 1,450 people have been killed since the start of the year.
Yemen: On February 10th, President Hadi and the National Dialogue Conference committee announced that Yemen will
become a federal state with six separate regions, four in the north and two in the south. While these regions are said to
reflect the demographic and political map, reactions about the divisions varied, with many worried that this new map will
only exacerbate protracted unrest. Immediately following the announcement, separatist factions in the south and the
Houthis in the north rejected the new divisions, with the Houthis claiming that this map creates artificial boundaries
between "rich and poor." Further, as the capacity of security forces in the provinces diminishes and insurgent groups
better coordinate their efforts and acquisition of weapons, insecurity continues to rise. Indeed, on February 15th, Doctors
Without Borders decided to temporarily suspend its support in the southern area of Aden due to an increase in insecurity
and a recent prison break that resulted in the release of over two dozen Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP)
members in the capital of Sana'a.
As Yemen struggles for stability following the conclusion of the NDC, support from the international and regional
community, both politically and financially, is increasingly seen as crucial for the future unity of the country. It's also of
interest to regional power brokers, as both Saudi Arabia and Iran (through the Houthi rebels) vie for increased influence in
the embattled area. A conference of the Yemen Friends Group is said to be held next March in Riyadh in support of the
NDC.
Central and South Asia
Afghanistan: Seemingly focused on facilitating the Afghan High Peace Council's efforts at talks with the Taliban, the Karzai
government has distanced itself from its US allies over the past few weeks. This was most recently exemplified by its
decision to release 65 Afghan Taliban detainees (described as "dangerous" by the US and "innocent" by Afghanistan) on
February 13th. This latest disagreement between the two allies played out while Karzai was in Turkey for a trilateral
summit with his Turkish and Pakistani counterparts, which gave him an international platform to define his actions as
those of a sovereign leader. Skepticism about the viability of any such talks runs deep in and outside Afghanistan, given
the Taliban's continual public refusal and denial of direct talks.
Pakistan: The much-anticipated talks between the Pakistani Taliban (Tehreek-e-Taliban) and the Pakistani government
announced by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on January 29th have stalled due to attacks by the Taliban against police in
Karachi on February 13th and a Taliban faction's "execution" on February 17th of 23 Frontier Corps soldiers held hostage
since 2010. Skepticism about the talks in Pakistan parallels the skepticism surrounding talks with the Afghan Taliban (see
above). In this mix of efforts by both Afghanistan and Pakistan, Western and regional press are carrying reports of US
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diplomatic, military, and intelligence efforts to arrange a deal for the release of US Sgt Bowe Bergdahl held since 2009 and
presumed to be in the tribal area of Pakistan.
For more information please contact:
Maureen Quinn at +1-212-225-9600 or guinngaipinstorg
or
Camilla Reksten-Monsen at +1-212-225-9602 or
•The International Peace Institute (IPI) is an independent, not-for-profit think tank with a staff representing more than 20 nationalities with offices in New York
across from the United Nations and in Vienna. IPI promotes the prevention and settlement of conflicts between and within states by strengthening international
peace and security institutions. To achieve this purpose IPI employs a mix of policy research, convening, publishing, and outreach. The views expressed here do not
necessarily represent those of WI.
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