EFTA01071570.pdf
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Eye on the Market I November 9,2011 JP Morgan
Topic: Are markets too focused on Prime Ministers and not enough on Economics? US super-committee trading cards
Italy and the lesson of the last decade: Finance and Economics Trump Politics every time
Markets were favorably anticipating resignations of Italian and Greek prime ministers, although it is not clear to me
that it matters that much. The premise: resignations would lead to faster structural reforms, implemented by coalition
governments led by technocrats. The logic: both Papandreou and Berlusconi are either too associated with austerity measures,
or had too many domestic political opponents, to get things done. In Greece, there is chaos after Papandreou's resignation,
since there is no new government, and it is unlikely that a hastily formed new one will have any legitimacy as it seeks to ply one
last disbursement from the EU. In Italy, passage of austerity laws and a new government could prompt the ECB to increase
bond purchases to stabilize Italy's crumbling debt markets, and/or allow the IMF to play a larger role by offering Italy a credit
line. However, if Italy ends up having general elections instead of an interim coalition government run by technocrats like
former EU Commissioner Monti or former PM Amato, the market's premise of accelerated Italian reforms may be disappointed.
Even if a new Italian government enacted structural reforms, they take a long time to "work", and usually entail less
growth (rather than more) right after they are passed. This is particularly true for the labor market reforms Italy is being
asked to implement. The bet Italy and the EU are making: by passing structural reforms (at the cusp of a recession), the growth
penalty will be offset by markets having more confidence in long term growth prospects, and therefore regain appetite to buy
sovereign debt. Europe is pursuing this route since it plans to rely on private capital (not just it's own) to create a leveraged
backstop for sovereign debt issuance. In other words, Italy cannot be as agnostic as Japan, which is self-funded, as to how
markets view its solvency. To be clear, Italy's austerity package is mild; one clause increases the retirement age from 65 to 67
by 2025 (I kid you not). Other clauses include privatization of government-owned real estate, and easier job hiring/firing rules.
Structural issues in the EU are a decade in the making; as shown below, Italy has a long way to go to resolve them.
Merkel conceded that it will take years to undo some of these imbalances. With a credible backstop in place for sovereign debt,
and wen-capitalized banks, markets might give Europe the benefit of time. But neither of these two conditions has been met
yet, so it is premature to make any conclusions about the benefit of Prime Ministerial changes.
Internal devaluation? So far, only In Ireland, not Italy Industrial production gap began with the Euro
Unitlabor cost, index, 3131/2000= 100,sa Index,12/31/1998 = 100, sa
140 140
135 Ireland Spain Euro exchange rata fixed
130
130 Germany
125 Italy 120
120 110
115 France
110 100
105 90
100 Germany
80
95
90 70
Ma •00 Jun•02 Aug-04 Nov-06 Jan-09 Mar-11 1982 1986 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010
Sou ce:OECD. Sou co:OECD.
Here's another chart on how far Italy has to go on structural On governance indicators. Italy and Greece are neighbors
reforms (100 = best, 0 = worst). It's from an Eye on the Percentrank, 2010
100 Germany
Market we published last year, based on data compiled annually Ireland
by the World Bank. Italy and Greece are neighbors in more than 90 UK
France
just geographic ways. Apart from political stability (ranking 80 Spain
Spain below Italy is something we could debate), Italy and 70
Greece rank at the bottom in all categories.
so
Italy
To be balanced, Italy has advantages vs other EU countries, 50 Greece
such as a lower level of household debt to GDP, much higher
household wealth relative to disposable income, the largest 4o
primary budget surplus in Europe, and lower home price to 30
Account. ' Political Gov't Regulatory Rule& Corruplon
rent ratios. Many of these positives were outlined by the Banca ability Stability Effective- Quality law
d'Italia in its November 2011 report on Financial Stability. Source:World Bank. ness
Unfortunately, these positives are overwhelmed by concerns about Italy's 1.9 trillion in government debt, which is at its
highest level since 1861 unification (other than wartime). Some of Italy's debt is held by institutional investors and Italian
EFTA01071570
Eye on the Market I November 9,2011 JPMorgan
Topic: Are markets too focused on Prime Ministers and not enough on Economics? US super-committee trading cards
banks that do not pay for them 100% with cash; they use leverage via repo markets. A "repo haircut" indicates the amount of
cash investors must put down to buy 100 Euros of Italian government bonds. Until recently, the haircuts only required -6%
upfront. The reason the haircut is so low is that these are full recourse loans, settled on a high frequency basis. Today, LCH
Clearnet, which determines repo haircuts, followed through on its long-standing warning that increased price volatility
and widening credit spreads would result in higher haircuts. Haircuts were doubled to around 12%, which prompts some
holders to increase collateral, but prompts others to sell. This is a microcosm of the more extreme repo haircut increases that
appear to have sunk commodity futures firm MF Global a couple of weeks ago. Higher repo haircuts are the last thing Italy
needed right now, but is perhaps an unavoidable and telling event for a region beset by large levels of government debt,
and reliance on volatile wholesale funding to finance both its governments and its banks. If debt markets do not stabilize.
they could double again, like a backgammon cube. As I write this, 10 year bonds in Italy yield over 7%, and so do their T-bills.
Italy's debVGDP: highest since unification other than Italy- gross general government debt projections*
wartime, Total gross general govemmentdebVGDP, Percent Percentof GDP
160% - 134
140% -
ww Realistic case:
./WWiI 131 Real GDP of -1.5%1-0.5%
120% • Primary balance: 1.3%.2.2%
128
100% •
125
80% -
60% - 122
Optimistic case:
40% 119 Real GDP of 0.5%10.5%
Primary balance: 2.6%4.1%
207 116 r . • „
1861 1886 1911 1936 1961 1986 2011 '
2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Source Reinhart. Carmen M. and Kenneth S. Ro golf, "From Finandal Sou ce: IMF. Eurostat. National Inst. of Stabstics,J.P. Morgan Private Bank.
Crash to Debt Crisis," NBER Woddng Paper15795, March 2010. 'In both cases bond yields stabilize at 6-6%, GDP deflatorof roughly0.6%.
The bottom line is that the only entity in the world with the firepower to save Italy in the short term is the European Central
Bank. If you remember the little plastic men exhibit from Labor Day's Eye on the Market, most of the arrows pointed to the
ECB, indicating that just about everyone, other than the Bundesbank and perhaps conservative parties ruling Germany, thinks
the ECB should solve the problem by printing money. To-date, that's what the ECB has done: of the 1.1 trillion Euros
extended to European banks and governments (through sovereign/covered bond purchases and repo), 970 billion has been given
by the ECB. The modest remainder has come from the IMF and EU countries themselves (e.g. fiscal transfers).
German members of the ECB appear to have resigned out of frustration with money-printing (Weber, Stark) and remaining ones
like Wiedmann mentioned this week the reluctance of Germany to accept more of it, referring to the institutional memory of the
Weimar Republic hyper-inflation. I have included 2 charts below on Weimar that show what he is referring to. There is no
space here to assess whether such concerns make sense at a time of household and corporate de-leveraging in Europe; what
matters is that HE thinks they do. We do not know the most critical answer: are German members of the ECB fighting a
battle that has already been lost? In other words, will the destiny of the ECB be to print a couple of trillion Euros to buy
or lend against sovereign debt for the next several years? Until European policymakers answer this question, investors
cannot be expected to have a lot of confidence in its markets or in its institutions.
Remembrance of things past: Monetization of Weimar era The onset of German Hyper-inflation
government debt Index, 1921 = 1 Index. 1921 = 1
110% 20
100% Percent of Treasury bills 120 18
Monetary base (RHS)
90% held by Reichsbank 16
100
80% Wholesale Prices (LHS) 14
70% 80 12
60% Exchange Rate (LHS)
10
60
50% 8
40% 40 6
High-powered money I
30% total debt 4
20
20% 2
1919 1920 1921 1922 1923
0 0
Source: 'The Slippy ofMoney andReichsbank FinancingofGovernment Jan-21 May•21 Aug -21 Nov-21 Feb•22 May-22 Aug-22 Dec-22
andCorporate Debtor Germany", 1919.1923, Steven B. Webb, 1984: The So urco. Statistisches Reichsamt:ZaNen zur Gel dentvenung in
GermanInflation !914.1923, Carl-Ludwig Holtfrerich, 1986. Deutschland 1914 bis 1923, Berlin.
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EFTA01071571
Eye on the Market I November 9, 2011 J.P-Morgan
Topic: Are markets too focused on Prime Ministers and not enough on Economics? US super-committee trading cards
In Q3, earnings reached new highs in the US and Asia (particularly ex-financials), and even in Europe. The dichotomy
between private sector profits and public sector problems looks like it will remain the primary issue for 2012. We expect
earnings growth to slow in 2012 (and decline in Europe, given a pending recession), but not collapse. As explained last week,
the closest proxy we can think of for the current period is the aftermath of the 1970's recession, when US and German equity
markets collapsed, rallied back sharply, and then went sideways for quite a while until monetary and fiscal policy uncertainties
dissipated (see below, right). As we prepare for this kind of market in 2012, we are investing portfolios with some equity
exposure (less than normal but greater than zero), a regional equity preference for the US, macro hedge funds, high grade credit,
Asian currencies, distressed European bank loan purchases, mezzanine lending to corporations and property owners, and
enough liquidity to take advantage of whatever opportunities present themselves as the largest macroeconomic imbalances in
decades continue to sort themselves out.
United States Europe
Trailing 12 month earnings per share, USD Trailing 12 month total earnings. Local currency. thousands
95 600
es 500
75
400 -
65
55 300
45
200
35
100
25
15 0
1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011
Source: Standard & Poor's. Ca earnings are estimated. Source: MSCI. J.P. Morgan Securities LLC.
Asia ex Japan
1970s post-recovery equity market wilderness
Trailing 12 month total earnings, Local currency, thousands
S&P level (Blue) Germany DAX level (Brown)
300 -
180 - 800
250 160 I Period of extreme monetary I
and fiscal uncertainty I 700
200 140
120 600
150
100
100 80 500
60
50 • 400
40
0 20 300
1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982
Source: MSCI, J.P. Morgan Securities LLC. Source: Bloomberg.
To be clear, any portfolio investment strategy that is not 100% cash is predicated on the notion that the European
Monetary Union will not collapse in disorderly fashion, with Southern Europe defaulting/devaluing, or Northern Europe
departing. We have been among the most despondent observers of the EMU since the crisis began exactly 2 years ago, with
Greece's disclosure about its hidden budget deficits. But even we have trouble assuming that this kind of disastrous, poorly
managed outcome should be the base case assumption for 2011-2012. If we are wrong and such an outcome does happen, the
lonely strength of corporate profits will likely be insufficient to prevent another substantial decline in global equity markets.
Our portfolios are ultimately positioned for a severe, lingering drag from the European mess, but not its implosion.
Even if US profits do continue to rise, it will be difficult for markets to pay much for them, given their reliance on the lowest
labor compensation relative to revenues we have seen in a long time (see charts below). This dynamic results in the need for
outsized government transfers to households to sustain consumption, which in turn raises the following question: why are
markets so calm about the US running a 6%-8% (e.g. Ecuador-style) budget deficit in 2012? See next section.
3
EFTA01071572
Eye on the Market I November 9,2011 JP Morgan
Topic: Are markets too focused on Prime Ministers and not enough o❑ Economics? CS super-committee trading cards
Corporate profit cycle - 5 past recoveries Corporate profit cycle - current recovery
Change since profit trough - billions Change since profit trough -billions
$400 $900 Profits
$350
$700
$300
Sales
$250 $500
$200 Labor
$300
$150 compensation
$100 $100
$50
-$100
$0
-$50 $300 Gujirters5sinc:trou9h
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 0 1 2 3 8 9 10
Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis, J.P. Morgan Private Bank. Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis. J.P. Morgan Private Bank
Super-Committee prospects: dissension on the team persists
Demand from banks, households and the Federal Reserve are part of the picture, but the central factor behind the stability of the
US Treasury market is the ongoing purchases by Asian and other emerging economy Central Banks. The phenomenon of
Central Bank reserve accumulation began around 1O years ago. Despite well-researched and well-documented explanations as
to why it was doomed to failure as a model for developing countries, it has allowed countries like China to keep exchange rates
cheap and foster export-led growth without paying too heavy a price in terms of their own inflation. So far so good, except the
U.S. no longer controls its own fiscal and economic destiny.
The so-called Super Committee is tasked with regaining control of this destiny. You have seen the chart below from us
before. As per Phase 2 of the Budget Control Act, the Super Committee is trying to find $1.2 trillion in deficit reduction over
ten years, which moves the projected debt-to-GDP ratio from the Italianesque green dot to the Gaullist brown one (around 80%
of GDP). I will not burden you with the procedures involved, other than to say that if the Super Committee does not come up
with a recommendation by Thanksgiving, it looks like mandatory expenditure cuts will kick in starting in 2013, unless of course
recent proposals by Republicans and Democrats defuse the sequestration robot, like at the end of Michael Crichton's
Andromeda Strain. The most bullish outcome I can think of is a bit more stimulus for 2012, and $2-$3 trillion in long term
deficit reduction (not subsequently unwound by Congress). To do it, they will need to overcome the vested interests of large
constituency and advocacy groups. Hanover Investment Group in D.C. recently estimated the budget advantages by sector, as a
way of thinking about whose oxen will one day have to be gored; healthcare and industrials lead the pack.
U.S. long-term debt scenarios Federal budget advantages by sector, 2010
Netdebt to GDP. percent Billions. USD
110 1.400
CBOJune Alternative case 1.200
100
le Spending
9011 1.000 1
8011 Budget Control Act Phase 2 (An additional $1.2 trillion)41 800 J ■ Tax Breaks
7011 .. $5 trillion Gap' 600
.......
6011 400
5011 200
40 CBO August Baseline
0 . . . . .
30 Health Care Industrials Consumer Financials Consumer
2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020 Discretionary Staples
Source: Congressional Budget Office.J.P. Morgan Private Bank Source: USDep aliment of the Treasury. BEA. BLS. Hanover Investment
Group LLC.
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EFTA01071573
Eye on the Market I November 9,2011 JP Morgan
Topic: Are markets too focused on Prime Ministers and not enough on Economics? US super-committee trading cards
To get a sense for who is on the committee, we hereby introduce Super Committee trading cards. On each card, the color
scheme is a proxy for each member's ideological voting record as compiled by the University of Georgia in their extensive
database dating back to the first Congress in March 1789. A Political Ideology Indicator (PII) score of -1 indicates the most
liberal voting pattern, while +1 is the most conservative'. As you can see, Max Baucus (D-Mon) is the closest thing to a
"moderate" on the committee, with moderate defined by +/- 0.2. The rest are closer to the ideological wings of their respective
patties, lessening the chance of a "rogue move to the middle", against the wishes of their respective congressional sponsors
(e.g., the party leaders in the House and Senate). While the Super Committee only needs a simple majority to make a
recommendation to Congress, it is unlikely that any member would cross party lines alone. This ideological make-up is
admittedly representative of the Congress and electorate at large, but still, if the purpose of the Committee was compromise,
couldn't they have opted for members that were closer to the middle? So far, the only thing Super about this committee is the
level of its polarization and lack of progress.
rgot Michael Cembalest
Chief Investment
Officer
Pat Toomey PA
.699
Deficit Reduction Committee
Li I
-0.8 -0.6 -OA -0.2 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8
XB JC CVH JK PM MB FU DC RP JK PT JH
Source: Royce Carrot Jeff Lewis, James Lo, Nolan McCarty, Keith Poole, and Howard Rosenthal. 'Common Space' OW-NOMINATE Scores With
BootstrappedStandardErrors. University°, Georgia.
The material contained herein is intended as a generalmarket commentary. Opinions expressedherein are those ofMichael Cembalest and may differfrom those ofother J.P.
Morgan employees and affiliates. This information in no way constitutes J.P. Morgan research and shouldnot be treated as such. Further. the views expressed herein may
differfront that containedin J.P. Morgan research reports. The above summary/prices/quotes/statistics have been obtainedfrom sources deemed to be reliable. but we do not
guarantee their accuracy or completeness. any yield referenced is indicative and subject to change. Past performance is not a guarantee offuture results. References to the
performance or character ofour portfolios generally refer to our Balanced ModelPortfolios constructed by J.P. Morgan. his a proxyfor client performance and may not
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I While the ideological spectrum ranges from -I to +1, it has been quite some time since US Senators, for example, were as extreme as plus
or minus 0.85 or more. The last Senator that liberal was Wayne Morse (D-Oregon), who served from 1945.1969. The last Senator that
conservative was Charles Waterman (R-Colorado), who served from 1927-1932. While partisanship and polarization between parties is
higher than ever, ideological extremes of individual politicians have generally moved away from +1- 1. Ron Paul is +0.95.
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