EFTA00625129.pdf
dataset_9 pdf 28.5 MB • Feb 3, 2026 • 335 pages
Why Money Trickles Up
Geoff Willis
gwillis@econodynamics.org
The right of Geoffrey Michael Willis to be identified as the author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
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0.0 Abstract
This paper combines ideas from classical economics and modern finance with Lotka-Volterra
models, and also the general Lotka-Volterra models of Levy & Solomon to provide
straightforward explanations of a number of economic phenomena.
Using a simple and realistic economic formulation, the distributions of both wealth and income
are fully explained. Both the power tail and the log-normal like body are fully captured. It is of
note that the full distribution, including the power law tail, is created via the use of absolutely
identical agents.
It is further demonstrated that a simple scheme of compulsory saving could eliminate poverty at
little cost to the taxpayer. Such a scheme is discussed in detail and shown to be practical.
Using similar simple techniques, a second model of corporate earnings is constructed that
produces a power law distribution of company size by capitalisation.
A third model is produced to model the prices of commodities such as copper. Including a delay
to capital installation; normal for capital intensive industries, produces the typical cycle of short-
term spikes and collapses seen in commodity prices.
The fourth model combines ideas from the first three models to produce a simple Lotka-Volterra
macroeconomic model. This basic model generates endogenous boom and bust business cycles
of the sort described by Minsky and Austrian economists.
From this model an exact formula for the Bowley ratio; the ratio of returns to labour to total
returns, is derived. This formula is also derived trivially algebraically.
This derivation is extended to a model including debt, and it suggests that excessive debt can be
economically dangerous and also directly increases income inequality.
Other models are proposed with financial and non-financial sectors and also two economies
trading with each other. There is a brief discussion of the role of the state and monetary systems
in such economies.
The second part of the paper discusses the various background theoretical ideas on which the
models are built.
This includes a discussion of the mathematics of chaotic systems, statistical mechanical systems,
and systems in a dynamic equilibrium of maximum entropy production.
There is discussion of the concept of intrinsic value, and why it holds despite the apparent
substantial changes of prices in real life economies. In particular there are discussions of the
roles of liquidity and parallels in the fields of market-microstructure and post-Keynesian pricing
theory.
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0. Zeroth Section
0.0 Abstract
0.1 Contents
0.2 Introduction
0.3 Structure of Paper
Part A — Some Models
Part A.I — Heavy Duty Models
1. Wealth & Income Models
1.1 Wealth & Income Data — Empirical Information
1.2 Lotka-Volterra and General Lotka-Volterra Systems
1.3 Wealth & Income Models - Modelling
1.4 Wealth & Income Models - Results
1.5 Wealth & Income Models - Discussion
1.6 Enter Sir Bowley - Labour and Capital
1.7 Modifying Wealth and Income Distributions
1.8 A Virtual 40 Acres
1.9 Wealth & Income Distributions - Loose Ends
2. Companies Models
2.1 Companies Models - Background
2.2 Companies Models - Modelling
2.3 Companies Models - Results
2.4 Companies Models - Discussion
3. Commodity models
3.1 Commodity models - Background
3.2 Commodity models - Modelling
3.3 Commodity models - Results
3.4 Commodity models - Discussion
4. Minsky goes Austrian a la Goodwin — Macroeconomic Models
4.1 Macroeconomic Models - Background
4.2 Macroeconomic Models - Modelling
4.3 Macroeconomic Models - Results
4.4 Macroeconomic Models - Discussion
4.5 A Present for Philip Mirowski?
— A Bowley-Polonius Macroeconomic Model
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Part A.II - Speculative Building
4.6 Unconstrained Bowley Macroeconomic Models
4.7 A State of Grace
4.8 Nirvana Postponed
4.9 Bowley Squared
4.10 Siamese Bowley - Mutual Suicide Pacts
4.11 Where Angels Fear to Tread - Governments & Money
4.12 Why Money Trickles Up
Part B - Some Theory
5. Theory Introduction
Part B.I — Mathematics
6. Dynamics
6.1 Drive My Car
6.2 Counting the Bodies - Mathematics and Equilibrium
6.3 Chaos in Practice — Housing in the UK
6.4 Low Frequency / Tobin Trading
6.5 Ending the Chaos
7. Entropy
7.1 Many Body Mathematics
7.2 Statistical Mechanics and Entropy
7.3 Maximum Entropy Production
7.4 The Statistical Mechanics of Flow Systems
Part &II — Economic Foundations
8. Value
8.1 The Source of Value
8.2 On the Conservation of Value
8.2.1 Liquidity
8.2.2 On the Price of Shares
9. Supply and Demand
9.1 Pricing
9.2 An Aside on Continuous Double Auctions
9.3 Supply — On the Scarcity of Scarcity, or
the Production of Machines by Means of Machines
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9.4 Demand
Part &III — The Logic of Science
10. The Social Architecture of Capitalism
11. The Logic of Science
Part C — Appendices
12. History and Acknowledgements
13. Further Reading
14. Programmes
15. References
16. Figures
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0.2 Introduction
"The produce of the earth -- all that is derived from its surface by the united application of
labour, machinery, and capital, is divided among three classes of the community; namely, the
proprietor of the land, the owner of the stock or capital necessary for its cultivation, and the
labourers by whose industry it is cultivated To determine the laws which regulate this
distribution, is the principal problem in Political Economy..."
On The Principles of Political Economy and Taxation - David Ricardo [Ricardo 1817]
"We began with an assertion that economic inequality is a persistent and pressing problem; this
assertion may be regarded by many people as tendentious. Differences in economic status - it
might be argued - are a fact of life; they are no more a 'problem' than are biological differences
amongst people, or within and amongst other species for that matter. Furthermore, some
economists and social philosophers see economic inequality, along with unfettered competition,
as essential parts of a mechanism that provides the best prospects for continuous economic
progress and the eventual elimination of poverty throughout the world. These arguments will
not do. There are several reasons why they will not do However there is a more basic but
powerful reason for rejecting the argument that dismisses economic inequality as part of the
natural order of things. This has to do with the scale and structure ofinequality "
Economic Inequality and Income Distribution — DG Champernowne [Champernowne & Cowell
1998]
"Few if any economists seem to have realized the possibilities that such invariants hold for the
future of our science. In particular, nobody seems to have realized that the hunt for, and the
interpretation of, invariants of this type might lay the foundations for an entirely novel type of
theory."
Schumpeter (1949, p. 155), discussing the Pareto law — via [Gabaix 2009]
This paper introduces some mathematical and simulation models and supports these models
with various theoretical ideas from economics, mathematics, physics and ecology.
The models use basic economic variables to give straightforward explanations of the distributions
of wealth, income and company sizes in human societies.
The models also explain the source of macroeconomic business cycles, including bubble and
crash behaviour.
The models give simple formulae for wealth distributions, and also for the Bowley ratio; the ratio
of returns to labour and capital.
Usefully, the models also provide simple effective methods for eliminating poverty without using
tax and welfare.
The theoretical ideas provide a framework for extending this modelling approach systematically
across economics.
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The models were produced firstly by taking basic ideas from classical economics and basic
finance. These ideas where then combined with the mathematics of chaotic systems and
dynamic statistical mechanics, in a process that I think can be well summed up as
'econodynamics' as it parallels the approaches of thermodynamics, and ultimately demonstrates
that economics is in fact a subset of thermodynamics.
This makes the process sound planned. It wasn't. It was a process of common sense and good
luck combined with a lot of background reading.
It was suggested to me in 2006 That the generalised Lotka-Volterra (GLV) distribution might
provide a good fit for income data. The suggestion proved to be prescient. The fit to real data
proved to be better than that for other previously proposed distributions.
At this point, in 2006, I used my limited knowledge of economics to propose two alternative
models that might fit the simplest economically appropriate terms into two different generating
equations that produce the (GLV). I passed these ideas forward to a number of physicists. The
history of this is expanded in section 12.
After that, nothing very much happened for three years. This was for three main reasons. Firstly,
I didn't understand the detailed mathematics, or indeed have a strong feel for the generalised
Lotka-Volterra model. Secondly, my computer programming, and modelling skills are woeful.
Thirdly, the academics that I wrote to had no interest in my ideas.
In 2009/2010 I was able to make progress on the first two items above, and in early 2010 I was
able, with assistance from George Vogiatzis and Maria Chli, to produce a GLV distribution of
wealth from a simulation programme with just nine lines of code, that included only a
population of identical individuals, and just the variables of individual wealth (or capital), a single
uniform profit rate and a single uniform (but stochastic) consumption (or saving) rate. This
simple model reproduced a complex reality with a parsimony found rarely even in pure physics.
After a brief pause, the rest of the modelling, research and writing of this paper was carried out
between the beginning of May 2010 and the end of March 2011. This was done in something of
a rush, without financial support or academic assistance; and I would therefore ask forbearance
for the rough and ready nature of the paper.
From the first wealth-based model, and with greater knowledge of finance and economics;
models for income, companies, commodities and finally macroeconomics dropped out naturally
and straightforwardly. The models are certainly in need of more rigorous calibration, but they
appear to work well.
The wealth and income models appear to be powerful, both in their simplicity and universality,
and also in their ability to advise future action for reducing poverty.
The macroeconomic models are interesting, as even in these initial simple models, they give
outcomes that accord closely with the qualitative descriptions of business and credit cycles in the
work of Minsky and the Austrian school of economics. These descriptions describe well the actual
behaviour of economies in bubbles and crashes from the Roman land speculation of 33AD
through tulipomania and the South Sea bubble up to the recent credit crunch.
Part A of this paper goes through these various models in detail, discussing also the background
and consequences of the models.
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The agents in the initial models were identical, and painfully simple in their behaviour. They
worked for money, saved some of their money, spent some of their money, and received
interest on the money accumulated in their bank accounts.
Because of this the agents had no utility or behavioural functions of the sort commonly used in
agent-based economic modelling. As such the models had no initial underlying references to
neoclassical economics, or for that matter behavioural economics. There simply was no need for
neoclassicism or behaviouralism.
As the modelling progressed, somewhat to my surprise, and, in fact to my embarrassment, it
became clear that the models were modelling the economics of the classical economists; the
economics of Smith, Ricardo, Marx, von Neumann (unmodified) and Sraffa.
With hindsight this turned out to be a consequence of the second of the two original models I
had proposed in 2006. In this model wealth is implicitly conserved in exchange, but created in
production and destroyed in consumption. Ultimately total wealth is conserved in the long term.
This model denies the premises of neoclassicism, and adopts an updated form of classical
economics.
Despite the rejection of neoclassicism, the models work.
Classical economics works.
Where the classical economists were undoubtedly wrong was in their belief in the labour theory
of value. They were however absolutely correct in the belief that value was intrinsic, and
embodied in the goods bought, sold and stored as units of wealth. Once intrinsic wealth, and so
the conservation of wealth is recast and accepted, building economic models becomes
surprisingly easy.
The re-acceptance of intrinsic wealth; and so the abandonment of neoclassicism, is clearly
controversial. Given the wild gyrations of the prices of shares, commodities, house prices, art
works and other economic goods, it may also seem very silly. Because of this a significant
section of part B of this paper discusses these issues in detail, and the economic and finance
background in general.
The other main aim of part B of this paper is to introduce the ideas of chaotic systems, statistical
mechanics and entropy to those that are unfamiliar with them.
Partly because of these theoretical discussions this paper is somewhat longer than I initially
expected. This is mainly because I have aimed the paper at a much larger audience than is
normal for an academic paper. In my experience there are many people with a basic
mathematical background, both inside and outside academia, who are interested in economics.
This includes engineers, biologists and chemists as well as physicists and mathematicians. I have
therefore written the paper at a level that should be relatively easy to follow for those with first
year undergraduate mathematics (or the equivalent of a UK A-level in maths).
Although the numbers are much smaller, I believe there is also a significant minority of
economists, especially younger economists, who are acutely aware that the theory and
mathematical tools of economics are simply not adequate for modelling real world economies.
This paper is also aimed at these economists.
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I would not be particularly surprised if every single model in this paper has to be reworked to
make them describe real world economies. It may even be the case that many of the models
have to be superseded. This would be annoying but not tragic, but is beside the point.
The main point of this paper is the power of the mathematical tools. The two main tools used in
this paper are chaotic differential equation systems and statistical mechanics. In both cases
these tools are used in systems that are away from what are normally considered equilibrium
positions.
It is these tools that allow the production of simple effective economic models, and it is these
tools that economists need in order to make progress.
Comparative statics may be intellectually satisfying and neat to draw on a blackboard, but it
doesn't work in dynamic multi-body systems.
For a dynamic system you need dynamic differential equation models. For systems with large
numbers of interacting bodies you need statistical mechanics and entropy.
Although a minority of economists have toyed with chaos theory, and many economists claim to
use 'dynamic' models, I have only encountered one economist; Steve Keen, who truly 'gets'
dynamic modelling in the way that most physicists, engineers and mathematical modellers use
dynamic modelling.
Indeed the macroeconomic model in this paper shares many ideas with, and certainly the
approaches of, Steve Keen who has used dynamical mathematical models to follow the ideas of
Goodwin, Minsky and others; and who has used the Lotka-Volterra dynamics in particular.
Although Keen's models are certainly heterodox he is almost unique in being an economic
theoretician who predicted the credit crunch accurately and in depth. While other economists
predicted the credit crunch, almost all the others who did so did this from an analysis of
repeating patterns of economic history. That is, they could spot a bubble when they saw one.
Steve Keen is unusual in being a theoretical economist who is able to model bubbles with a
degree of precision.
The use of statistical mechanics in economics is even more frustrating. Merton, Black and
Scholes cherry-picked the diffusion equation from thermodynamics while completely ignoring its
statistical mechanical roots and derivation. They then sledge-hammered it into working in a
neoclassical framework. Tragically, a couple of generations of physicists working in finance have
not only accepted this, but they have built more and more baroque models on these flimsy
foundations. The trouble with Black-Scholes is that it works very well, except when it doesn't.
This basic flaw has been pointed out from Mandlebrot onwards, to date with no notice taken.
This is most frustrating. If physicists were doing their jobs properly, finance would be one of the
simplest most boring parts of economics.
The only economist I have encountered who truly 'gets' statistical mechanics is Duncan Foley.
He is uniquely an economist who has fully realised not only the faults with the mathematics used
by most economists, but also dedicated considerable effort to applying the correct mathematics,
statistical mechanics, to economics. Although primarily modelled in a static environment, Foley's
work is profoundly insightful, and demonstrates very clearly how statistical mechanical
approaches are more powerful than utility based approaches, and how statistical mechanics
approaches naturally lead to the market failures seen in real economies. Despite this visionary
insight he has ploughed a somewhat lonely furrow, with the relevant work largely ignored by
economists, and more embarrassingly also by physicists.
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Because chaos and statistical mechanics are unfamiliar in economics, I have spent some effort in
both the modelling sections and the theory sections in explaining how the models work in detail,
how these concepts work in general, and why these mathematical approaches are not just
relevant but essential for building mathematical models in economics.
This extra explanation for less mathematical scientists and economists may mean that the paper
is over-explained and repetitive for many physicists and mathematicians. For this I can only offer
my apologies.
However, even for physicists some of the background material in the discussions on entropy
contains novel and powerful ideas regarding non-equilibrium thermodynamic systems. This is
taken from recent work in the physics of planetary ecology and appears not to have percolated
into the general physics community despite appearing to have general applicability. The ideas of
Paltridge, Lorenz, Dewar and others, along with the mathematical techniques of Levy &
Solomon, may not be familiar to many physicists, and I believe may be very powerful in the
analysis of complex 'out of equilibrium' systems in general.
In fact, although I was trained as a physicist, I am not much of a mathematician, and by
emotional inclination I am more of an engineer. My skills lie mostly in seeing connections
between different existing ideas and being able to bolt them together in effective and sometimes
simpler ways. Part of the reason for the length of this paper is that I have taken a lot of ideas
from a lot of different fields, mainly from classical economics, finance, physics, mathematics and
ecology, and fitted them together in new ways. I wish to explain this bolting together in detail,
partly because very few people will be familiar with all the bits I have cherry-picked, but also I
suspect that my initial bolting together may be less than ideal, and may need reworking and
improving.
I feel I should also apologise in advance for a certain amount of impatience displayed in my
writing towards traditional economics. From an economics point of view the paper gets more
controversial as it goes along. It also gets increasingly less polite with regard to the theories of
neoclassical economics.
In the last two years I have read a lot of economics and finance, a significant proportion of
which was not profoundly insightful. Unfortunately, reading standard economics books to find
out how real economies work is a little like reading astrology books to find out how planetary
systems work. Generally I have found the most useful economic ideas in finance or heterodox
economics, areas which are not usually well known to physicists, or indeed many economists.
These ideas include recent research in market microstructure, liquidity, post-Keynesian pricing
theory as well as the work of Foley, Keen, Smithers, Shiller, Cooper, Pettis, Pepper & Oliver,
Mehrling, Lyons and others.
Neoclassical economics, while forming an intellectually beautiful framework, has proved of
limited use to me as a source of knowledge. Partly this is because the mathematics used,
comparative statics, is simply inappropriate. Partly it is because some of the core suppositions
used to build the framework; such as diminishing returns and the importance of investment and
saving, are trivially refutable.
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The only defence I can make for my impoliteness is a very poor one; that I am considerably
more polite than others. If any of my comments regarding neoclassical economics cause offence,
I advise you to read the work of Steve Keen and Phillip Mirowski with some caution. Both are
trained economists who have the mathematical and historical skills to realise the
inappropriateness of neoclassicism. Their writing has the polemical edge of a once devout
Christian who has recently discovered that the parish priest has been in an intimate liaison with
his wife for the last fifteen years.
Finally I would like to comment on the work of Ian Wright, Makoto Nirei & Wataru Souma and
others.
Throughout this paper comparisons are made to the work of Ian Wright who describes simulated
economic models in two notable papers [Wright 2005, 2009]. Wright's models are significantly
different to my own, most notably in not involving a financial sector. Also, unlike the present
paper, Wright takes a 'black box' and 'zero intelligence' approach to modelling which eschews
formal fitting of the models to mathematical equations. Despite these profound differences, at a
deeper level Wright's models share fundamental similarities with my own, sharing the basic
conservation of value of the classical economists, as well as using a dynamic, stochastic,
statistical mechanical approach. More significantly, the models are striking in the similarities of
their outputs to my own work. Also it is important to note that Wright's models have a richness
in some areas, such as unemployment which are missing from my own models.
In relevant sections I discuss detailed differences and similarities between the models of Wright
and myself.
In two papers Souma & Nirei [Souma & Nirei 2005, 2007] build a highly mathematical model
that produces a power tail and an exponential distribution for income. Their approach also builds
ultimately on the work of Solomon & Levy. However their approach is substantially more
complex than my own. Their models do however share a number of similarities to my own
models. Firstly, the models of Souma & Nirei use consumption as the negative balancing term in
their model in a manner almost identical to the role of consumption in my own model. Secondly,
their models ascribe a strong positive economic role to capital as a source of wealth, however
this is ascribed to the process of capital growth, not the dividends, interest, rent, etc that is used
in my own models.
Both Wright's work and that of Souma & Nirei predate this paper. Their work also predates my
original models produced in 2006. Given the process by which I came to produce the models
below, I believe I did so independently of Wright, Souma & Nirei. However, I would be very
foolish to discount that possibility that I was subconsciously influenced by these authors, and so
I do not discount this. It is certainly clear to me that Wright, Souma & Nirei have made very
substantial inroads in the same directions as my own research, and that if I had not had lucky
breaks in advancing my own research, then one or other of them would have produced the
models below within the near future.
Given that the work of Wright, Souma & Nirei predates my own, and so gives rise to questions of
originality, I have included a brief history of the gestation of the present paper in section 12,
History and Acknowledgements.
With regard to precedence, I would like to note that the general approach for the
macroeconomic models in section 4 were partly inspired by the work of Steve Keen, though the
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models themselves grew straight out of my company and commodity models; and ultimately out
of my income models.
More importantly, not a word of this paper would have been written without the work of Levy &
Solomon and their GLV models. Manipulation of the GLV is beyond my mathematical ability.
Although Levy & Solomon's economic explanations are naive, their gut feeling of the applicability
of the GLV to economics in particular, and complex systems in general, was correct. I believe
their work is of profound general importance.
In later sections of this paper I quote extensively from the work of Ian Wright, Duncan Foley and
Steve Keen, as their explanations of the importance of statistical mechanics and chaos in
economics are difficult to improve on.
0.3 Structure of the Paper
Part A of this paper discusses a number of economic models in detail, Part A.I discusses a
number of straightforward models giving results that easily accord with the real world and also
with the models of Ian Wright. Part A.II discusses models that are more speculative.
Part B discusses the background mathematics, physics and economics underlying the models in
Part A. The mathematics and physics is discussed in Part B.I, the economics in part B.II, the
conclusions are in part B.III. Finally, Part C gives appendices.
Within Part A; section 1 discusses income and wealth distributions; section 1.1 gives a brief
review of empirical information known about wealth and income distributions while section 1.2
gives background information on the Lotka-Volterra and General Lotka-Volterra models. Sections
1.3 to 1.5 gives details of the models, their outputs and a discussion of these outputs.
Section 1.6 discusses the effects that changing the ratio of waged income to earnings from
capital has on wealth and income distributions.
Sections 1.7 and 1.8 discuss effective, low-cost options for modifying wealth and income
distributions and so eliminating poverty.
Finally, section 1.9 looks at some unexplained but potentially important issues within wealth and
income distribution.
Sections 2.1 to 2.4 go through the background, creation and discussion of a model that creates
power law distributions in company sizes.
Sections 3.1 to 3.4 use ideas from section 2, and also the consequences of the delays inherent in
installing physical capital, to generate the cyclical spiking behaviour typical of commodity prices.
Sections 4.1 to 4.4 combine the ideas from sections 1, 2 and 3 to provide a basic
macroeconomic model of a full, isolated economy. It is demonstrated that even a very basic
model can endogenously generate cyclical boom and bust business cycles of the sort described
by Minsky and Austrian economists.
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In section 4.5 it is demonstrated that an exact formulation for the Bowley ratio; the ratio of
returns to labour to total returns, can easily be derived from the basic macroeconomic model
above, or indeed from first principles in a few lines of basic algebra.
In section 4.6 and 4.7 the above modelling is extended into an economy with debt. From this a
more complex, though still simple, formulation for the Bowley ratio is derived. This formulation
suggests that excessive debt can be economically dangerous and also directly increases income
inequality. The more general consequences of the Bowley ratio for society are discussed in more
depth in section 4.8.
In section 4.9 two macroeconomic models are arranged in tandem to discuss an isolated
economy with a financial sector in addition to an ordinary non-financial sector. In section 4.10
two macroeconomic models are discussed in parallel as a model of two national economies
trading with each other.
To conclude Part A, section 4.11 introduces the role of the state and monetary economics, while
section 4.12 briefly reviews the salient outcomes of the modelling for social equity.
In Part B, section 6.1 discusses the differences between static and dynamic systems, while
section 6.2 looks at the chaotic mathematics of differential equation systems. Examples of how
this knowledge could be applied to housing markets is discussed in section 6.3, while
applications to share markets are discussed in section 6.4. A general overview of the control of
chaotic systems is given in section 6.5.
Section 7.1 discusses the theory; 'statistical mechanics', which is necessary for applying to
situations with many independent bodies; while section 7.2 discusses how this leads to the
concept of entropy.
Section 7.3 discusses how systems normally considered to be out of equilibrium can in fact be
considered to be in a dynamic equilibrium that is characterised as being in a state of maximum
entropy production. Section 7.4 discusses possible ways that the statistical mechanics of
maximum entropy production systems might be tackled.
Moving back to economics; in section 8.1 it is discussed how an intrinsic measure of value can
be related to the entropy discussed in section 7 via the concept of 'humanly useful negentropy'.
Section 8.2 discusses the many serious criticisms of a concept of intrinsic value in general, with a
discussion of the role of liquidity in particular.
Section 9.1 looks at theories of supply and pricing, the non-existence of diminishing returns in
production, and the similarities between the market-microstructure analysis and post-Keynesian
pricing theory. Section 9.3 looks for, and fails to find, sources of scarcity, while section 9.4
discusses the characteristics of demand.
In section 10 both the theory and modelling is reviewed and arranged together as a coherent
whole, this is followed by brief conclusions in section 11.
Sections 12 to 16 are appendices in Part C.
Section 12 gives a history of the gestation of this paper and an opportunity to thank those that
have assisted in its formation.
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Section 13 gives a reading list for those interested in learning more about the background maths
and economics in the paper.
Section 14 gives details of the Matlab and Excel programmes used to generate the models in
Part A of the paper.
Sections 15 and 16 give the references and figures respectively.
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Part A — Some Models
Section A.I — Heavy Duty Models
1. Wealth & Income Models
1.1 Wealth & Income Data — Empirical Information
"Endogeneity of distribution
Neoclassical economics approaches the problem of distribution by positing a given and
exogenous distribution of ownership of resources. The competitive market equilibrium then
determines the relative value of each agent's endowment (essentially as rents). I think there are
problems looming up with this aspect of theory as well. One reason to doubt the durability of the
assumption of an exogenous distribution of ownership of resources is that income and wealth
distributions exhibit empirical regularities that are as stable as any other economic relationships.
I think there is an important scientific payoff in models that explain the size distributions of
wealth and income as endogenous outcomes of market interactions." Duncan K. Foley [Foley
1990]
Within theoretical economics, the study of income and wealth distributions is something of a
backwater. As stated by Foley above, neo-classical economics starts from given exogenous
distributions of wealth and then looks at the ensuing exchange processes. Utility theory assumes
that entrepreneurs and labourers are fairly rewarded for their efforts and risk appetite. The
search for deeper endogenous explanations within mainstream economics has been minimal.
This is puzzling, because, as Foley states, it has been clear for a century that income
distributions show very fixed uniformities.
Vilfredo Pareto first showed in 1896 that income distributions followed the power law distribution
that now bears his name [Pareto 1896].
Pareto studied income in Britain, Prussia, Saxony, Ireland, Italy and Peru. At the time of his
study Britain and Prussia were strongly industrialised countries, while Ireland, Italy and Peru
were still agricultural producers. Despite the differences between these economies, Pareto
discovered that the income of wealthy individuals varied as a power law in all cases.
Extensive research since has shown that this relationship is universal across all countries, and
that not only is a power law present for high income individuals, but the gradient of the power
law is similar in all the different countries.
Typical graphs of income distribution are shown below. This is data for 2002 from the UK, and is
an unusually good data set [ONS 2003].
Figure 1.1.1 here
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Figure 1.1.1 above shows a probability density function. A probability distribution function (pdf)
is basically a glorified histogram or bar chart. Along the x-axis are bands of wage. The y-axis
shows the number of people in each wage band.
As can be seen this shape has a large bulge towards the left-hand side, with a peak at about
£300 per week. To the right hand side there is a long tail showing smaller and smaller numbers
of people with higher and higher earnings.
Also included in this chart is a log-normal distribution fitted to the curve. The log-normal
distribution is the curve that economists normally fit to income distributions (or pretty much
anything else that catches their attention). On these scales the log-normal appears to give a very
good fit to the data. However there are problems with this.
Figure 1.1.2 here
Figure 1.1.2 above shows the same data, but this time with the y-axis transformed into a log
scale. Although the log-normal gives a very good fit for the first two thirds of the graph,
somewhere around a weekly wage level of £900 the data points move off higher than the log-
normal fit. The log-normal fit cannot describe the income of high-earners well.
Figure 1.1.3 here
Figure 1.1.3 above shows the same data but organised in a different manner. This is a
'cumulative density function' or cdf. In this graph the wealth is still plotted along the x-axis, but
this time the x-axis is also a log scale. This time the y-axis shows the proportion of people who
earn more than the wage on the x-axis.
In figure 1.1.3 about 10% of people, a proportion of 0.1, earn more than £755 per week.
It can be seen that the curve has a curved section on the left-hand side, and a straight line
section on the right-hand side.
This straight section is the 'power-tail' of the distribution. This section of the data obeys a
'power-law' as described by Pareto 100 years ago.
The work of Pareto gives a remarkable result. An industrial manufacturing society and an
agrarian society have very different economic systems and societal structures. Intuitively it
seems reasonable to assume that income would be distributed differently in such different
societies.
What the data is saying is that none of the following have an effect on the shape of income
distribution in a country:
• Whether wealth is owned as industrial capital or agricultural land
• Whether wealth is owned directly or via a stock market
• What sort of education system a country has
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• What sort of justice system a country has
• Natural endowments of agricultural land or mineral wealth
• And so on with many other social and economic factors
Intuitively it seems reasonable that any or all of the above would affect income distribution, in
practice none of them do. Income distributions are controlled by much deeper and basic
processes in economics.
The big unexpected conclusion from the data of Pareto and others is the existence of the power
tail itself. Traditional economics holds that individuals are fairly rewarded for their abilities, a
power tail distribution does not fit these assumptions.
Human abilities are usually distributed normally, or sometimes log-normally. The earning ability
of an individual human being is made up of the combination of many different personal skills.
Logically, following the central limit theorem, it would be reasonable to expect that the
distribution of income would be a normal or log-normal distribution. A power law distribution
however is very much more skewed than even a log-normal distribution, so it is not obvious why
individual skills should be overcompensated with a power law distribution.
While Pareto noted the existence of a power tail in the distribution, it should be noted that more
recently various authors have suggested that there may be two or even three power tail regions,
with a separation between the 'rich' and 'super-rich', see for example [Borges 2002, Clementi &
Gallegati 2005b, Souma, Nirei & Souma 2007].
While the income earned by the people in the power tail of income distribution may account for
approximately 50% of total earnings, the Pareto distribution actually only applies to the top
10%-20% of earners. The other 80%-90% of middle class and poorer people are accounted for
by a different 'body' of the distribution.
Going back to the linear-linear graph in figure 1.1.1 it can be seen that, between incomes of
£100 and £900 per week, there is a characteristic bulge or hump of individuals, with a skew in
the hump towards the right hand side.
In the days since Pareto the distribution of income for the main 80%-90% of individuals in this
bulge has also been investigated in detail.
The distribution of income for this main group of individuals shows the characteristic skewed
humped shape similar to that of the log-normal distribution, though many other distributions
have been proposed.
These include the gamma, Weibull, beta, Singh-Maddala, and Dagum. The last two both being
members of the Dagum family of distributions. Bandourian, McDonald & Turley [Bandourain et al
2002] give an extensive overview of all the above distributions, as well as other variations of the
general beta class of distributions. They carry out a review of which of these distributions give
best fits to the extensive data in the Luxembourg Income Study. In all they analyse the fit of
eleven probability distributions to twenty-three different countries. They conclude that the
Weibull, Dagum and general-beta2 distributions are the best fits to the data depending on the
number of parameters used.
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For more information, readers are referred to 'Statistical Size Distributions in Economics and
Actuarial Sciences' [Kleiber & Kotz 2003] for a more general overview of probability distributions
in economics, and also to Atkinson and Bourguignon [Atkinson & Bourguignon 2000] for a very
detailed discussion of income data and theory in general.
The author has analysed a particularly good set of income data from the UK tax system, one
example is shown in figures 1.1.1-3 above. This data suggests that a Maxwell-Boltzmann
distribution also provides a very good fit to the main body of the income data that is equal to
that of the log-normal distribution [Willis & Mimkes 2005].
The reasons for the split between the income earned by the top 10% and the main body 90%
has been studied in more detail by Clementi and Gallegati [Clementi & Gallegati 2005a] using
data from the US, UK, Germany and Italy. This shows strong economic regularities in the data.
In general it appears that the income gained by individuals in the power tail comes primarily
from income gained from capital such as interest payments, dividends, rent or ownership of
small businesses. Meanwhile the income for the 90% of people in the main body of the
distribution is primarily derived from wages. These conclusions are important, and will be
returned to in the models below.
This view is supported, though only by suggestion, by one intriguing high quality income data
set. This data set comes from the United States and is from a 1992 survey giving proportions of
workers earning particular wages in manufacturing and service industries.
The ultimate source of the data is the US Department of Labor; Bureau of Statistics, and so the
provenance is believed to be of the good quality. Unfortunately, enquiries by the author has
failed to reveal the details of the data, such as sample size and collection methodology.
The data was collected to give a comparison of the relative quality of employment in the
manufacturing and service sectors. Although the sample size for the data is not known, the
smoothness of the curves produced suggest that the samples were large, and that the data is of
good statistical quality. The data for services is shown in figures 1.1.4 & 1.1.5 below, the data
for manufacturing is near identical.
Figure 1.1.4 here
Figure 1.1.5 here
Like the UK data, there appears to be a clear linear section in the central portion of the data on a
log-linear scale in figure 1.1.5, indicating an exponential section in the raw data. Again this data
can be fitted equally well with a log-normal or a Maxwell-Boltzmann distribution.
What is much more interesting is that, beyond this section, the data heads rapidly lower on the
logarithmic scale. This means it is heading rapidly to zero on the raw data graph. With these two
distributions there is no sign whatsoever of the 'power tail' that is normally found in income
distributions.
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It is the belief of the author that the methodology for this US survey restricted the data to
'earned' or 'waged' income, as the interest in the project was in looking at pay in services versus
manufacturing industry. It is believed income from assets and investments was not included as
this would have been irrelevant to the investigation.
This US data set has been included for a further reason, a reason that is subtle; but in the belief
of the author, important.
Looking back at figure 1.1.1 for the UK income data, there is a very clear offset from zero along
the income axis. That is the curve does not start to rise from the income axis until a value of
roughly £100 weekly wage.
The US data shows an exactly similar offset, with income not rising until a weekly wage of $100.
This is important, as the various curves discussed above (log-normal, gamma, Weibull, beta,
Singh-Maddala, Dagum, Maxwell-Boltzmann, etc) all normally start at the origin of the axis, point
(0,0) with the curve rising immediately from this point.
While it is straightforward enough to put an offset in, this is not normally necessary when
looking at natural phenomena.
In the 1930s Gibrat, an engineer, pioneered work in economics that studied work on
proportional growth processes that could produce log-normal or power law distributions
depending on the parameters. His work primarily looked at companies, and was the first attempt
to apply stochastic processes to produce power law distributions.
Following the work of Pareto, the details of income and wealth distributions have rarely been
studied in mainstream theoretical economics, a notable and important exception being
Champernowne. Champernowne was a highly gifted mathematician who was diverted into
economics, he was the first person to bring a statistical mechanical approach to income
distribution, and also noted the importance of capital as a major creator of inequality, though his
approach concentrated on generational transfers of wealth [Champernowne & Cowell 1998].
Despite the lack of interest within economics, this area has had a profound attraction to those
outside the economics profession for many years, a review of this history is provided by Gabaix
[Gabaix 2009].
In recent years, the study of income distributions has gone through a small renaissance with
new interest in the field shown by physicists with an interest in economics, and has become a
significant element of the body of research known as 'econophysics'.
Notable papers have been written in this field by Bouchaud & Mezard, Nirei & Souma,
Dragulescu & Yakovenko, Chatterjee & Chakrabarti, Slanina, Sinha and many, many, others
[Bouchaud & Mezard 2000, Dragulescu & Yakovenko 2001, Nirei & Souma 2007, Souma 2001,
Slanina 2004, Sinha 2005].
The majority of these papers follow similar approaches; inherited either from the work of Gibrat,
or from gas models in physics. Almost all the above models deal with basic exchange processes,
with some sort of asymmetry introduced to produce a power tail. Chatterjee et al 2007,
Chatterjee & Chakrabarti 2007 and Sinha 2005 give good reviews of this modelling approach.
The approaches above have been the subject of some criticism, even by economists who are
otherwise sympathetic to a stochastic approach to economics, but who are concerned that a
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pure exchange process is not appropriate for modelling modern economies [Gallegati et al
2006].
An alternative approach to stochastic modelling has been taken by Moshe Levy, Sorin Solomon,
and others [Levy & Solomon 1996].
They have produced work based on the 'General Lotka-Volterra' model. Unsurprisingly, this is a
generalised framework of the 'predator-prey' models independently developed for the analysis of
population dynamics in biology by two mathematicians/physicists Alfred Lotka and Vito Volterra.
A full discussion of the origin and mathematics of GLV distributions is given below in section 1.2.
These distributions are interesting for a number of reasons; these include the following:
• the fundamental shape of the GLV curve
• the quality of the fit to actual data
• the appropriateness of the GLV distribution as an economic model
Figure 1.1.6 here
Figure 1.1.7 here
With regard to the fundamental shape of the GLV curve, figures 1.1.6 and 1.1.7 above show
plots of the UK income data against the GLV on a linear-linear and log-log plot.
The formula for this distribution is given by:
P(w) = K(e' r""•)/((w/L)" +"1) (1.1a)
and it has three parameters; K is a general scaling parameter, L is a norm
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